我今天成功在LAB考了MAC版托福在家考!





今天考了托福在家!!

怎么报名什么的都不再细说了
(传送门:实操注册在家考托福®
就和大家分享一下整个考试流程吧。



多好的考试景色,哎



考前的准备

我的考试是早上9:50场的。


大概9:20到了LAB开始准备,因为之前已经提前测过设备,一开始以为只需要再确认下摄像头麦克风等等,就没有预留太多时间(还是天真)… 但其实还有些没想到的部分,比如要安装ProctorU插件才可以继续,而且像用chrome的话去Google Store下载是需要梯子的,所以如果当下你没有准备好梯子或者梯子挂不起来,那就比较麻烦了(幸好当时我的电脑梯子给力,马上下完了)。




chrome和firefox都要下载插件,不能用safari



看了看护照、手机、白板和白板笔都在了,就等开始。

LAB的白板和白板笔都超好用



ProctorU 网站上会有倒计时,
等倒计至0时,就会出现connect的按钮,然后点击进入考试





刚开始还没直接开始,而是到了一个需要获取权限的页面,需要给监考官权限去远程控制,录制屏幕,授权摄像头,麦克风,弹窗通知等。用MAC电脑考试的同学需要注意的是:
MAC系统设置里,如果要修改“远程控制”等设定,授权某个软件来控制你的电脑,是需要先退出软件才能生效,所以过程中不可避免会需要断开和ProctorU的连接,再重新reconnect。
我当时还挺担心没法reconnect或者考官以为我进入到一半弃考给我cancel掉(后来发现想太多哈哈)。中间可能back and forth几次,但反正就跟着步骤连接授权继续连接直到完成进入就好。


开始做题前

正式进入考题计时前,考官会需要控制下你的电脑,确认你考试的电脑没有问题(比如你这边没有录屏,没有外接显示器等)。下一步就检查环境啦,原本我们不知道在LAB这种全玻璃透明的“墙”行不行,后来考官完全没有管,反正空间里是安静的没人就好。


接着电脑360慢速环绕让ta看四面,然后看桌底(我就直接把整个硕大的MAC搬到桌下去,如果也用大台台式的同学注意不要卡到电源线了),接着就用手机开前置摄像反着给ta看一下电脑屏幕/键盘鼠标/桌面;检查下耳朵没有戴着设备,双手手臂也没有戴电子设备就好。

整个检查的流程就结束后,打开托福考试软件,考官远程给你输入ID和密码,考试正式开始!


考试进行时

过程整体都算顺利,就前面做阅读的时候系统画面卡了两下。如果大家做题时候卡了不要紧张自己吓自己,线下考试都会有系统卡的,何况这种远程连网考试。
如果电脑画面冻住了,就点击对话框和考官说就好(MAC在dock会出现一个图标,点击跳到对话框直接打字和考官描述问题就好)
,考官是全程监考,马上就会根据你的问题来操作解决。

不过有个点需要注意的是,有时候考官在操作过程中可能需要些许时间,你的电脑屏幕看起来好像还是没动,就耐心等考官去解决就好,如果ta需要你会跟你沟通的。像我中间考官控制我的电脑到一半突然停住了,我还以为自己掉线,就想动动鼠标试试看,结果才挪了一丢丢考官马上又控制起电脑没给我动了。所以大家考的时候耐心些,让考官去解决就好。

考官搞定以后听力口语写作全程非常流畅,没有任何问题哈哈。

有同学会问到中间的10分钟休息是怎么操作。
做完阅读听力以后,就在对话框里面和考官说你做完了要去歇一歇,考官给了指令以后再离开(不要自己做完就起身离开,一定要和考官说!)

接下来去个洗手间,喝点水,活动下,就回去继续考试
(注意一定要看好时间,超过10分钟再回去考试很有可能会被取消)


考官会需要你再重新给ta看个环境,360环绕+1。


考试结束后

做完题马上出来阅读听力分数,然后问你要report还是cancel,确认两次(不要点错了啊),考试就正式结束了。

注意做完题了也不要自行离开,在对话框知会下考官你做完了,然后考官要看着你把白板上的笔记擦干净了才可。
然后礼貌下说个 Thank you have a good one 就搞定啦!

要擦得干干净净的



考完出来看个时间:13:35。


10:00 – 13:35,整体时间和线下考试的差不多。



说说题目吧

考试试题整体和线下考试题目形式和难度都没有什么差别,就加试了个听力(幸好不是双加试嘻嘻)。

口语老师嘛,先详细回顾下口语和给个示范。

▲ 口语

TASK 1
Do you agree or disagree with the following statement?
It is acceptable to use other people’s influence to help find a job.
Please use details and examples to explain your answer.
[重复 20180519]

老题阿又考。

同意阿。好找工作,比如教授写推荐信等;另外也会有更多机会,比如从朋友那边了解更多关于想申请的公司的信息。

回忆了下答题内容:





TASK 2

阅读:学校打算给学生提供一个3年的项目作为选择。因为3年比4年短能给学生减轻点财政负担,但也不是每个人都能申请,还是需要学生有相关的背景。

听力:女生同意。因为学校生活不便宜,她打工就用了很多时间,如果学校能够提供这个项目,她就不用做那么长时间去负担一些开支,有很大好处的;但是她觉得没有必要限制申请,可以大一的时候让学生学一些需要的课程比如科学人类学等等,然后让学生决定要不要修3年课程,这样比较好。


这题就不给示范啦,也不难。
就也是一道:听力第一点同意 + 第二点反对(这种类型课上强调过了阿)。


TASK 3


概念:Selective exposure
意思就是在选择一个东西的时候,如果锁定了一个合适的对象,人们倾向停止搜索,就把选择限定在这一个对象上,容易让作出不好的选择。

回忆了下答题内容:





TASK 4


生物类,讲的是附近没太多同类生物所带来的问题,整体结构、材料内容和难度都差不多。


回忆了下答题内容:







其他科目简单回顾下:


▲ 阅读

第一篇:讲了工业发展(The impact of industrialization),全文在推送最后有。
Passage 2 : Streetcars in Los Angeles
Passage 3 : don’t rmbr 🙂


▲ 听力

对话场景有:
1 女生转校分到了dorm但是她一直以为自己会住的是apartment,想要了解为什么不一样了,而且想换;
2 女生想了解跑道的使用 schedule,因为想去自己练习,但是又不想说田径队的时间冲撞;

讲座话题有:
The influence of Japanese woodcuts on French prints
Hubble space telescope
Non-native animals’ effects on ecosystem


▲ 写作

综合写作

阅读

Bird feeders 对鸟不好
1 鸟因为 feeders 聚在一起容易让疾病扩散相互传染
2 feeders 让鸟暴露在天敌面前,比如老鹰和猫(:???)
3 feeders影响鸟的迁移

听力:
1 鸟他们自己疾病传染是因为总是一大群移动,不是因为 feeders

2 feeders带来的好处比风险多,给鸟提供额外的食物营养,还能喂养孩子
3 鸟是看阳光来migrate的,不是因为feeders,feeders还能给那些因为其他原因没有migrate 的鸟食物

独立写作
Parents today spend so much time deciding the futures of their children; children should be allowed to make their own choices.
(这不是口语题嘛)



!!

即日起 LAB 开放在家考系列预约(TOEFL和GRE都可以)

提供:安静合适的环境 + 稳定的网络 + 考试白板白板笔

加 walk you through

LAB学员免费预约

可微信任一LAB老师

分享者Sun Sun


业于爱默生学院,语言学学士学位及全球营销传播学硕士学位。


曾于马萨诸塞州州政府任布鲁斯议员的翻译,硕士毕业后在冰岛和波士顿工作了两年时间,参与了大量的商务会议及商务谈判。
主授 托福®口语,GMAT™ Sentence Correction。


(2019.10.13) 托福®口语30
,托福®写作30,托福®听力30.

Sun’s 学生分数录

都说TOEFL®口语难,LAB 量产29+

美高C同学总分119口语30满分感想

M同学:托福®口语23分 – 30分满分

ZM同学:托福®口语24分 – 29分

F同学:托福®口语23分 – 29分

BC同学:托福®口语22分 – 28分

托福®口语出分集合(26 / 27 / 28分)







The Impact of Industrialization 


Industrialization was a complex process that consisted of many components. Three of these are important for the discussion of labor systems in world history. One is the specialization of labor, giving each individual a specific task that can be done quickly and efficiently before passing on the product to the next individual for the next task. The second is the use of machines in the production of goods. Machines proved much faster, more powerful, and more efficient than humans or animals, who could not generate the sustained operation, the amount of force, or the accuracy of the new steam-driven engines. Finally, industrial work moved out of the home and household area. We have seen that this development had a major impact on women’s relationship to labor during the long 19th century. It also placed strain on men, now separated from their families for lengthy periods of time. Children, though sometimes able to work near relatives in the early days of the factories, also found their work-family relationship redefined, and here the ultimate solution was to pull children out of the labor force altogether. 

These three developments had huge implications. Growing specialization meant that most workers did not see a finished product. Their skill levels declined. While skilled workers remained essential, the typical factory hand was semiskilled. He or she required a few months of training to attain peak efficiency but, by the same token, could be relatively easily re- placed. Job security and a sense of purpose in work both declined. Introduction of new technology had significant effects, beginning simply with priorities: Machines became more important than ordinary workers to the production process. A French manufacturer in the 1830s regularly deco- rated the week’s most productive machine with a garland of flowers; he offered nothing to the workers involved, and the symbolism was telling. Work became organized around technological requirements—and these frequently changed because of recurrent improvements and a demand for faster production. Workers in the 1890s thus complained about the passing of good old days, a few decades before, when machines were smaller and operated more slowly. Finally, the gap between family and work meant that workers, already subjected to laboring in larger settings than they were accustomed to, had to deal with strangers. While camaraderie might develop, the social atmosphere of work was growing less familiar. 

Industrialization did not take shape overnight, and its gradual unfold- ing may have helped some workers to adapt. In textiles, initially one of the key sectors to be mechanized, a process called proto-industrialization developed in the 17th to 18th centuries. In Europe and elsewhere, some manufacturing had long been accomplished by rural workers using fairly simple equipment (such as hand looms and spindles) in their homes. Mer- chants brought raw materials and orders for goods, then picked up (and paid for) the work when it was completed. The system was called domes- tic manufacturing, or the putting-out system. With proto-industrialization, these operations simply expanded and intensified. Far more workers came to be involved, particularly when population growth began to reduce the availability of agricultural land. Operations became somewhat more specialized, with a specific focus on spinning thread, weaving cloth, or card- ing wool. Most important, proto-industrialization gave workers increasing experience in wage work and in working for someone else—a profit- minded someone else, based outside the village community. This was not industrial work (in the sense of technology or strangeness), but it was a foretaste. 

A few factories arose as well before new machines existed. In the Spanish colonies, Indians in Mexico and the Andes were forced (as debt peons or to pay their royal labor tax) to work in textile factories called obrajes, where hundreds of people produced rough wool or cotton cloth for sale elsewhere in the colonies. Likewise, in India throughout the 18th century, fine cotton cloth was produced not only in households but, at times, in factory-like settings. Aside from cases where individuals could force laborers into factories, however, as in the colonial setting of Spanish America, most textile manufacturing remained a household activity because it was a strategy for peasants to supplement their income, derived mainly from the crops they produced. The organizers of the textile trade were unable to make people leave their homes to work elsewhere. 

The initial move toward working permanently in places other than home came about in western Europe, and only when changes in rural production and urban migration as a result of overpopulation in the country- side created a class of people who had lost access to land and had only their labor to sell in order to provide for their livelihood. As Europe’s population almost doubled in the 18th century, the need for alternative jobs, off the land, became desperate, leading to a willingness to accept unfamiliar work settings. The change in rural production occurred first in England and then spread to much of the rest of western Europe. In England, wealthy individuals began to fence off their land and purchase common lands from the villages, in a development called the enclosure movement. As fewer owners controlled more land, many villagers lost access to farm ownership. Many could not even work the land as occasional laborers or renters, since the new owners turned much of the land to sheep and cattle ranching, a much less labor-intensive activity than farming. Thus numerous villagers had no place to go other than the cities, where some began to work in factories. Clearly, the transformations in the western European countryside are essential for explaining the rise of industrialization. 

本文源自微信公众号:LABcircle